Union environmental representatives: write to your MP

Below is the text of a model letter sent out by the Communication Workers’ Union to encourage members to contact their MP to support an Early Day Motion calling for recognition for trade union environment representatives.

Dear Member of Parliament,

We are writing to urge you to sign Early Day Motion 1438 which calls for recognition for trade union environment representatives.

The challenge of climate change and need to move to a low carbon economy is urgent, as recognised by all political parties and enshrined in the Climate Change Bill currently passing through parliament.

There is currently an implementation gap between stated policies and the delivery of environmental change.

Trade unions have the knowledge, capability and enthusiasm to implement the changes needed in workplaces across the country. Secretary of State for the Environment, Hilary Benn, endorsed to importance of the role of trade unions on Monday 16th June at the TUC’s ‘Just Transition’ conference.

However, many reps are finding it difficult to get the time to dedicate to tackling these important and complex issues. Giving environment reps recognition along the lines of health and safety or learning reps would expand and speed up the positive change that workplace reps can make for environmental improvement.

If you are serious about tackling climate change, please sign EDM 1438, put down by Martin Salter MP.

Yours faithfully,

Communication Workers Union

Full text of EDM available at:

http://edmi.parliament.uk/EDMi/EDMDetails.aspx?EDMID=35699&SESSION=891

Green Bans and the BLF: the labour movement and urban ecology

John Tully

For John Loh, militant builder’s labourer, supporter of the NSW BLF and the Green Bans, and later an organiser in the construction workers’ union, the CFMEU. Died at Melbourne, 24 November 2003.

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Jack Mundey

It is one of life’s great ironies that the same regime which brought us environmental disasters such as the Aral Sea and Chernobyl should also have continually re-published Friedrich Engels’ informed and profoundly ecological writings, Dialectics of Nature. [1] Engels warned that unless we learned the laws of nature and recognised that we do not stand outside of nature like some conqueror, nature would wreak terrible revenge on us. [2] Given the ecological atrocities they presided over, one wonders if the USSR’s Stalinist bureaucrats ever looked inside the book’s covers. Certainly they seemed unaware that the fight to end humanity’s alienation from the world is at the core of Marxism.

Clearly, Marx [3] and Engels had developed an ecological consciousness long before the term was coined, but alas, their keen insights were forgotten for many decades by the workers’ movement. While this was particularly true in the “degenerated workers’ state” of the Soviet Union, it also held true, by and large, for the labour movement in the capitalist world, much of which succumbed to a belief in the desirability of “progress” at all costs. As Jack Mundey lamented, working class militants still often “have a high degree of ignorance about the seriousness of the ecological crisis”. [4]

It is to the great credit of militant building workers in Australia that over 30 years ago they nailed their green colours to the mast and insisted that ecology was as much the concern of workers as wages and conditions. Mundey asked “What is the use of higher wages alone, if we have to live in cities devoid of parks, denuded of trees, in an atmosphere poisoned by pollution and vibrating with the noise of hundreds of thousands of units of private transport?” [5]

The Green Bans movement, [6] as it came to be known, was perhaps the most radical example of working class environmentalism ever seen in the world. At its peak it held up billions of dollars worth of undesirable development and it saved large areas of the city of Sydney – streets, old buildings, parks and whole suburbs – from demolition. There is even evidence that the term “green” itself as a synonym for ecological activism came from those struggles. In 1997, the well-respected Australian Greens Senator, Bob Brown, [7] said:

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Petra Kelly

“Petra Kelly…saw the Green Bans which the unions…were then imposing on untoward developments in Sydney…She took back to Germany this idea of Green Bans, or the terminology. As best as we can track it down, that is where the word “green” as applied to the emerging Greens in Europe came from”. [8]

Jack Mundey and the other leaders of the Green Bans movement were among the most effective and radical of urban ecologists. Although they were eventually beaten by a coalition of corrupt union officials, rapacious developers, thugs and seedy politicians, their message has not been forgotten and in the final analysis their monument is the buildings, parks and bushland areas that they saved for future generations.

The NSW Builders Labourers’ Federation

The union at the forefront of the Green Bans movement was the Builders Labourers’ Federation (BLF), and in particular its New South Wales (NSW) branch, [9] centred on the city of Sydney. In some ways this is surprising. For many decades before left wing militants captured control of the union in the 1960s, the BLF had been the small and despised poor cousin of the other building trades unions.

The union (which has since been amalgamated into a “super union”, the Construction, Forestry and Mining Employees’ Union or CFMEU) covered the unskilled and semi-skilled workers in the industry: labourers of various types; concrete finishers; jackhammer-men; excavation workers; hoist drivers; steel fixers who placed the steel rods and bars for reinforced concrete; scaffolders; powder monkeys or explosives experts; riggers, who erected cranes and structural steelwork; and dogmen, who slung loads from cranes and, in Australia at least, “rode the hook” hundreds of metres above the city streets in a spectacular, but hazardous aerial performance. [10] However, due to technological change in the industry, much of their work became at least as skilled as that of the traditional craftsmen, who were organised in separate unions.

In the years after World War II, millions of immigrants poured into Australia, many of them from southern and eastern Europe. Few made their fortune in the great island continent “down-under”, though many had been lured with stories of streets paved with gold. Most of them became fodder for the factories, mines and mills that sprung up during the post-war boom. Many became construction workers and unless they had specific transferable skills, that meant working as builders’ labourers, mixing concrete and carrying bricks or digging deep into the sandstone for the foundations of the new high rise buildings. Immigrants did the dirty, hard, and dangerous jobs that the “native born” were often reluctant to do. By the 1960s, around 70 per cent of the NSW BLF’s members were foreign-born. [11]

Struggle against gangsters in union

For many decades the NSW BLF was run by gangsters; corrupt elements including defrocked lawyers and apolitical thugs. One official was notorious for collecting the union dues then spending them on protracted drinking bouts. These characters had no interest in winning better wages and conditions for the members, nor did they want to see strong on-the-job organization, which would undermine their power. [12] Many of the union’s members spoke little or no English, but bureaucrats who were in any case uninterested in their opinions did not see that as a problem and there was no translation of reports. As a consequence, BLF members were paid a fraction of the wages of the carpenters, plumbers, electricians and other skilled tradesmen in the industry. The gangsters too, were uninterested in health and safety issues. As Pete Thomas has written, in three years in the 1960s, there was “an appalling total of over 61,000 compensation cases – some fatal, others creating permanent disabilities, others lesser but still cruel – …in NSW building construction and maintenance.” In one year in the early 1970s, 44 building workers died in NSW. [13] Fourteen dogmen died in another year. Nearly 250 Sydney excavation workers died from silicosis between 1948 and the 1960s, victims of the dust from the hard sandstone that they cut and blasted. [14] There was little change until after the militants began the hard battle to civilize the industry.

The militants gained control of the union only after a bitter struggle lasting over ten years. One of those militants was a young man called Jack Mundey. Born into a poor Irish Catholic family in North Queensland, Mundey came to Sydney in 1951 to play Rugby League for Parramatta. A little later, after spending time in other jobs, he started work as a builder’s labourer and joined the union and then the Communist Party of Australia (CPA). In the 1950s and ’60s, the CPA was still an industrial force to be reckoned with, although its star had waned since the heyday of the 1940s when it all but controlled the peak council of the union movement, the ACTU. [15] The CPA was a contradictory force. During the late 1940s and early ’50s, when the Cold War was raging, it had identified itself slavishly with the Soviet Union and at the same time it had sunk to rigging ballots in elections to maintain its tight grip on unions under its control. [16]

Still, many of the best militants in the labour movement continued to look to the CPA for leadership and by the 1960s the party leadership had abandoned much of the old sectarian dogmatism, which had isolated them from the majority of trade union members who supported the ALP. Inside the NSW BLF and other unions, party members adopted the tactic of “unity tickets” with left wing members and supporters of the ALP. The tactic bore fruit and when the militants ousted the gangsters, a real unity had been forged between Communists such as Jack Mundey and Labor Party members such as Bob Pringle and Mick McNamara. Mundey became secretary [17] of the NSW BLF in 1968.

The growing potential power of the BLF

Although the union had pursued a militant course under Mundey’s immediate predecessors, this was stepped up once he took up a full-time position. The new leaders of the union saw that the traditional craft unions had been adversely affected by deskilling brought about by changes in the industry from the 1960s on. However, the skills of their own members had been enhanced and the old image of the BL as an unskilled tradesman’s helper and general labourer was out of date.

While BLF members still did much of the hardest, dirtiest, most dangerous and least skilled work in the industry, the new construction techniques meant that they had become every bit as important as the tradesmen, particularly on high-rise city sites. This fact gave the union much more industrial clout than previously, but it was not reflected in BLs’ pay rates, which lagged far behind those of the traditional craftsmen. Mundey, Pringle and another key organiser called Joe Owens were determined that the situation had to change.

In 1970, the union embarked on a campaign of militant strikes, effectively shutting down the industry with mass picketing on a scale not seen before in the industry. The employers, not used to mass participation of the membership in industrial action, caved in after five weeks and granted large across the board pay rises and, most importantly, set BLs’ wages at a minimum of 90 per cent of the craftsmen’s rates; more for the highest skilled BLs. At the same time, the union experimented with the ideas of workers’ control, occupying construction sites, electing their own foremen, staging sit-ins and “working in” in response to lock-outs, poor safety conditions and sackings.

The long-downtrodden BLs had found a new solidarity and dignity. Harry Connell, a long-time militant, recalled that before the left’s takeover of the union, builders’ labourers would, if questioned about their occupation, reply self-deprecatingly, “Oh, I’m just a labourer”. Afterwards, they would answer proudly, “I’m a bloody BL”. [18]

Involvement in social struggles

Under Mundey’s leadership, the union also began to involve itself in struggles that went beyond the traditional brief of wages and conditions. This was the period of the Vietnam War, when hundreds of thousands of people marched against Australian military involvement on the side of the US and its Saigon client state. [19] It was the period of the May 1968 upsurge in France, when young people around the world set out to “storm the heavens”’ in search of a new society. This radical mood was reflected inside the CPA, particularly after the Warsaw Pact powers invaded Czechoslovakia to end the “Prague Spring”, which had sought “socialism with a human face”.

Back in 1956, when the USSR invaded Hungary, the CPA had remained loyal to Moscow, despite the loss of many of its members. This time, the CPA publicly condemned the invasion. A small pro-Moscow group split away, but many party members welcomed the radical new direction and enthusiastically adopted the new ideas. [20] Mundey himself pays tribute to the radical shift in the policies and attitudes in the Communist Party leadership: “I’m sure that none of our innovations would have been possible except for the changes in the Communist Party of Australia, even though we went beyond the CPA mainstream”. [21]

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The BLF leaders threw their union behind the anti-war movement and into other causes such as the fight against apartheid in South Africa. They encouraged women to work in what had hitherto been an all-male preserve, winning an important breakthrough at the Summit site after women “worked in” with the support of their male colleagues. In 1973, Denise Bishop was elected to the union and executive and became possibly the first female organiser of a construction union in the world.

The union also ensured that their largely immigrant workforce was provided with bilingual organisers-before this, the needs of non-English speakers were largely ignored. In another celebrated case, the BLF “blackbanned” work on a Macquarie University hall of residence when the Student Representative Council approached them on behalf of a gay student who had been expelled. This was probably the first instance of such an action in the world (and it was successful). Homophobia has deep roots in Australia and it is a measure of the leadership’s calibre that they were able to convince the members to take industrial action on this issue, despite initial misgivings. [22] The union was able to involve itself in these kinds of issues because the leadership had won the deep respect of the majority of members through its commitment to improving their wages and conditions, and also by restoring their dignity as human beings in a dog-eat-dog system that had treated them as expendable slaves. Ominously, one of the most vociferous critics of this kind of action was the union’s federal secretary, Norm Gallagher, a member of the Maoist Communist Party of Australia, Marxist- Leninist. [23]

A radically new, democratic style of unionism

It is important to note that the leadership consciously sought not to impose anything on the membership. The NSW BLF had a commitment to radically democratic methods that had nothing in common with the rigid Stalinism of the CPA in the 1940s and early ’50s, when they had ruled unions under their control with an iron hand. [24]

The NSW BLF had a horror of entrenched bureaucracy and introduced radical methods to ensure that control of the union stayed in the members’ hands; Michels’ famous “iron law of oligarchy” was not to apply here! In the NSW BLF, all actions and policies had to be decided on by mass meetings of the members. The union’s officials were there to serve the members and not vice versa, as was so often the case with Australian unions. Australian union officials tended to keep the same hours as the employers; Mundey insisted on keeping the same hours as the workers on the job. The wearing of suits and eating of meals with the bosses was frowned on.

“The only time I eat the boss’s lunch is when I steal it,” said one organiser after a sit-in in the site offices of a major builder. Perhaps more importantly, the salaries of officials were cut to the same amount as the members’ wages, and the union introduced limited tenure of office; after a maximum of six years in a paid position, officials had to go back and work in the industry. Such measures often outraged the officials of other unions, who were fearful of losing their comfortable sinecures if such ideas were allowed to take root. Mundey says that the policy “broke down the barrier between officials and workers”. [25]

The first Green Bans

Like its sister parties round the world, the CPA had no record of environmental activism. The same was true, more broadly, of the labour movement as a whole and indeed many sections of the movement, including some self-styled revolutionaries and Communists, depicted the bans as a “diversion from the class struggle” and as a capitulation to alien “middle class ideas”. In one notorious outburst, Norm Gallagher, the Maoist federal secretary of the BLF dismissed widespread support for the NSW BLF as coming only from “residents, sheilas and poofters”. [26] When ecological ideas began to emerge in the 1960s with the publication of such books as Rachel Carson’s Silent Spring, they collided with deeply ingrained attitudes which viewed nature as a hostile enemy to be subdued, or mastered, and which was expressed in an ideology of limitless economic growth regardless of the consequences. Again it is to the great credit of the NSW BLF’s leadership that they were able to gain support for the radical new ecological ideas from the union’s membership.

The leadership realized that it would be wrong and self-defeating to try to impose industrial action in support of the environment on the members. By debate and argument at mass stop work or on-the-job meetings, the BLF officials convinced the members to support an all-out assault on the previously sacred right of the builders and developers to re-model the face of Sydney as they saw fit.

During the 1960s, Sydney, like many other cities in the world, underwent drastic change. There were fortunes to be made as old buildings and precincts were torn down and replaced, often with modernistic skyscrapers, for space in the inner city fetched astronomical prices. The NSW BLF’s membership soared during this period, rising in one two year period from 4000 to 10,000 and peaking later at 11,000, partly as a result of the building boom, partly because of an intensive recruiting drive. [27]

In the course of this great boom, the developers were not concerned with what was destroyed; Georgian terraces, Victorian spires and domes, parkland, jewels of art deco all fell to the wrecker’s ball. Scab labour would be used in nocturnal operations to pull down heritage-listed buildings. This was capitalism in the raw as described by Marx and Engels in The Communist Manifesto, where “all that is solid melts into air” in the frenzy for profit. [28] The BLF also realized that, as Leonie Sandercock subsequently put it, “Modernist planners [had become] the thieves of memory” – “Faustian in their eagerness to erase all traces of the past in…the name of progress”, they had “killed whole communities, by evicting them, demolishing their houses, and dispersing them to edge suburbs or leaving them homeless…” [29]

The union and its supporters did not oppose all change, recognizing that there was a place for urban renewal to make cities liveable for their inhabitants. What they did oppose was the unwarranted assumption that what was good for the developers was automatically good for the environment, the city, or its people.

The Kelly’s Bush bans

The BLF’s actions were spectacularly effective. The Manchester Guardian considered that Jack Mundey was “Australia’s most effective conservationist” and claimed “Middle class groups are a little embarrassed at having to turn to a rough-hewn proletarian Communist to protect their homes (and values) from fiats and motorways, and their theatres and pubs from office developers. But approach him they do…” In fact, it was often working class homes and precincts that were saved from the developers, but the union would respond to any genuine request for help.

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Plaque celebrating the 25th anniversary of the BLF’s first Green Ban at Kelly’s Bush

Probably the first time the union intervened in an environmental issue was in 1971, when it banned a new private housing development at Hunters Hill. Kelly’s Bush, which the AV Jennings group wished to destroy for the project, was reputedly the last remaining piece of natural bushland on Sydney harbour. The local residents had campaigned strongly but unsuccessfully to save it, lobbying members of parliament, cabinet ministers and other persons with power. The NSW state (provincial) government was firmly behind the development and in desperation the residents turned to the BLF for support.

The BLF called a mass meeting of members, which voted overwhelmingly to “black ban” the project. Other bans quickly followed and somewhere along the road, a union member coined the term “green ban” to describe union action to save natural bushland and parks. The term was expanded to describe bans to save historic urban precincts and significant buildings.

The battle of the Rocks

Perhaps the greatest Green Ban of all was imposed on Sydney’s Rocks area by the BLF and its allies in the union covering bulldozer drivers, the FEDFA. [30] The Rocks, situated just west of Circular Quay and under the southern abutments of the Sydney Harbour Bridge, is Australia’s oldest urban precinct, dating from the 1790s. It is the site of many significant buildings and was also the home of a close-knit working class community who lived in rows of terraced houses, often at controlled rents. In 1972, the state government unveiled a master plan for the redevelopment of the suburb. The people would be evicted and their homes destroyed. In their place would rise a grotesque $2000 million [31] commercial skyscraper development owned by wealthy corporate interests.

Had the government got its way, a community would have been killed, together with the collective memory of over 160 years, along with one of Australia’s most beautiful urban areas. Encouraged by the success of the Kelly’s Bush bans, the residents’ action group turned to the unions. The union bans held, residents and BLF members picketed against scab labour, occupied buildings slated for demolition, marched, and were arrested in droves. In the end they won an impressive victory and The Rocks was saved.

Buoyed up by their success, the union imposed a string of other bans at the behest of residents and community and conservation groups frustrated by the authorities. These included Green Bans on development at Centennial Park – the “lungs” of the city’s eastern suburbs – and at the Sydney Botanical Gardens on the harbour front. The latter ban prevented the construction of an underground car park by the AMP insurance conglomerate, which would have damaged the park’s trees, shrubs and plants and involved the immediate destruction of a number of giant Moreton Bay fig trees.

Other bans were imposed on demolition of a variety of public buildings, including the Theatre Royal, the fine old sandstone Pitt Street Congregational Church (which was to have been replaced by a multi-storey concrete car park); on a section of the proposed western distributor and the Eastern Expressway, both of which would have destroyed thousands of houses; and lastly on a monstrous redevelopment of the inner harbour-side suburb of Woolloomooloo, renowned as “the most Sydney-like place in Sydney”.

Battle lines drawn

By this time, in 1973, the battle lines were drawn and the union was faced by an unholy alliance of employers, developers, politicians and right-wing union officials, all outraged by the BLF’s flaunting of the prerogatives of capital. At this stage, a well-informed article published in the Brisbane Courier-Mail claimed that the NSW BLF “has invoked an incredible 36 bans against using labour on projects worth a massive $3000 million [over $12,000 million in today’s prices – JT] because the projects would mean the tearing down of historic buildingsor could violate parklands within metropolitan Sydney”. [32]

The residents and union pickets in Victoria Street, Woolloomooloo, were harassed and intimidated by police. Goons trained in karate and carrying weapons lurked in nearby streets, thirsting for blood. Juanita Nielsen, a prominent supporter of the union, vanished and it is an open secret that goons associated with dishonest developers murdered her. The BLF and its supporters had also run up against the corrupt state government, led by Premier Robin Askin, who has since been exposed as a swindler and a crook with interests in illegal casinos and other sleaze. In a period of 12 days in August 1972, the Sydney Morning Herald, the voice of the local ruling class, carried no less than five editorials attacking the NSW BLF. One of these screamed about “a handful of unionists led by the nose by a member of a party dedicated to social disruption and the overthrow of democratic government…” and another claimed that “the mass of the unionists concerned are, of course, only dupes of their leadership…” Shortly afterwards, the Askin government charged Jack Mundey with contempt of court. Earlier, Askin and members of his cabinet had called the BLF leaders “traitors to this country” and made hysterical forecasts of the union causing “rioting and bloodshed in the streets of Sydney”. [33] The vultures were circling.

Federal intervention

Left to themselves, the ruling class would have had a hard time to break the union. The Maoist leadership of the federal union did the job for them. In 1974, federal secretary Norm Gallagher decided to crush the NSW branch and replace all of its officials with his own stooges. The Master Builders Association (MBA) and the Askin government were keen to offer him every assistance, barring NSW branch organisers from sites and sacking BLs who refused to join the new branch. When crane drivers, members of the FEDFA, went on strike, Gallagher flew in scabs to replace them and there was a steady trickle of interstate “conscript” workers” who came to “do the work of pro-Mundey builders labourers.” Gallagher declined to put his case to a mass meeting of BLs, declaring that it would be “full of residents and poofters”.

It was later revealed that much of the cost for Gallagher’s intervention was paid for by the bosses, and perhaps this included the wages of murderous gun thugs brought in to intimidate NSW branch loyalists. Some of these industrial mercenaries were lodged in the city’s most luxurious motels at nightly rates far in excess of a BL’s weekly wage. Unemployment was also rising in the industry during this period and it was clear that the NSW branch would not be able to resist for much longer. The coup de grâce came in March 1975 when the NSW branch office in the Sydney Trades Hall was burgled and its records stolen, on good information by a career contract criminal. Shortly afterwards, the NSW leadership advised its members to take out membership of the Gallagher branch and continue the fight from within. With heavy hearts, they agreed. Sadly, most of the NSW leadership was blacklisted and never worked in the industry again. Later, regretting what he had done, federal president Les Robinson admitted, “I think we destroyed a virile organization and it didn’t do the federation any good either”. [34]

The BLF’s legacy
JPEG - 16.7 kb The NSW BLF perished, but its exploits have become the stuff of legend and an inspiration to all who wish to rebuild the workers’ movement as a thoroughly democratic, class-conscious movement, committed to social and environmental action as an integral part of the aim of building a better world. Since those rare old times, other unions have from time to time taken up ecological issues, although perhaps none with the sheer panache and militancy of the NSW BLF. During the late 1970s and early ’80s the ACTU banned the mining and export of uranium “yellowcake”, until officials linked to the right-wing Labor Prime Minister Bob Hawke [35] undermined the policy from within. On occasions, wharfies have banned ships carrying cargoes of scarce rainforest timbers from Southeast Asia and construction workers have stopped the routing of oil pipelines through ecologically sensitive areas. More recently, in my own neighbourhood, unions imposed bans on the redevelopment of an old industrial site heavily polluted with arsenic, until it was declared clean by independent experts. Such actions are not uncommon today. Mundey is convinced that union environmentalism would have spread even further but for the destruction of the NSW BLF.

Looking back after some thirty years, the NSW BLF story still amazes and inspires those who hear it. Capitalist ideology holds that working people are brutes with no interests beyond satisfaction of their most immediate needs. The Green Bans prove them wrong; here is a clear example of a union composed of blue collar workers – many of them immigrants, most of them lacking formal education, all “battlers” up against the odds – who stood up and counted themselves citizens in the fullest sense of the word. Bertolt Brecht once had a worker wondering whom it was who had hauled up the lumps of rock to build Thebes and other massive cities of antiquity, given that the books only gave the names of kings. [36] Throughout history, building workers have been viewed as beasts of burden who had no right to concern themselves with what they built or demolished. The Green Bans movement challenged that, and for a few years we had a glimpse of what workers, unalienated from the products of their labour, might be like; of a truly human future. “We are not just animals who put things up or tear them down,” insisted Joe Owens. [37] Today, when we declare that “A better world is possible” in the struggle against dehumanising and environmentally rapacious neoliberalism, we should not forget the struggles of the NSW builders’ labourers. Jack Mundey should have the final word:

“Ecologists with a socialist perspective and socialists with an ecological perspective must form a coalition to tackle the wide-ranging problems relating to human survival… My dream, and that… of millions… of others might then come true: a socialist world with a human face, an ecological heart and an egalitarian body”. [38]

 

-John Tully worked as a rigger and dogman during the 1970s and 1980s and was often a BLF shop steward.

PCS launches green workplace website

PCS going greenThe PCS has launched a new section on its website focusing on environmental issues in the workplace. Visit it here.

“Climate change is most definitely a union issue. The workplaces that we organise – and seek to organise – burn energy, consume resources and generate waste.” First Steps to a Greener Workplace, TUC, 2006

These pages feature news, tips and useful information, campaigns and  PCS policy on ‘green’ issues such as climate change, energy saving, waste and recycling.

We believe that green or sustainable workplaces should also take on board wider issues such as ethical investment, fair trade and workers’ rights.

Is climate change a trade union issue? CWU fringe meeting

Fringe meeting 8th June 2008

On the opening day of CWU annual conference, over 50 delegates flocked to a dynamic fringe meeting focussing on the role of trade unions in climate change issues. Speakers raised issues ranging from the capitalist appropriation of natural resources, to the inadequacy of market mechanisms and big business to deal with climate change and the potential for trade unions to organise, bargain and recruit around these issues.

Chaired by CWU president Jane Loftus, the speakers were senior deputy general secretary Tony Kearns, Roy Wilkes, secretary of the Campaign against Climate Change Trade Union Group and Jamie Jenkins from the CWU youth advisory committee (YAC).

Jamie explained the importance of climate change issues to young members in the CWU. In outlining the work of YAC he emphasised the potential for recruitment and organising around climate change issues through empowering people to take on the challenges posed by climate change through union work.

The reality of the effect of what is known as “peak oil” on jobs and the economy was presented by Tony Kearns, who warned the meeting about capitalism’s response to climate change. “What’s going to happen on a humanitarian level is quite clear,” argued Tony, who continued: “Capitalist powers are going to begin a battle over resources.

“The trade union movement needs to make up its mind whether we allow climate change to be a stick to beat us with or whether we stand shoulder-to-shoulder with the world’s poor to fight capitalist expansion and capitalist appropriation of resources.”

“Big business and governments are unable and inadequate to deal with climate change,” was the strong message from Roy Wilkes, who went on to outline the immediate and growing dangers posed by climate change and point out that effects are always felt hardest by the world’s poor – most recently in New Orleans, Bangladesh and Burma.

In terms of emissions trading schemes, Roy argued that “expecting the market and big business to sort this out is naïve. They are answerable to shareholders who want a return, not the planet or wider population.

“Not only is climate change a trade union issue, but trade unions hold the key to our survival,” he argued.

Lively debate followed the speakers’ contributions, with specific matters of concern including the need to challenge consumerism and big business’s approach, thereby showing the difference between individual and collective responses to climate change.

The crucial need to keep the trade union response a rank-and-file one and encourage alternative plans of production to address the jobs issue, particularly at sites such as Heathrow Airport – the biggest employer in the country – were also stressed by contributors from the floor.

The consensus of the meeting was a strong recognition that climate and environment issues are undeniably matters of trade union concern. The meeting decided that the CWU needs to do more to champion environment reps and get branches along to demonstrations like the December climate change rally.

New Campaign Against Climate Change Trade Union Leaflet

imageDownload the new Campaign Against Climate Change leaflet for trade unionists here.

Climate change leaflet for trade unionists

 

 

 

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Download the UCU environmental newsletter

image Download the UCU’s environmental newsletter here.

ucu-environment-newsletter-issue-41

Lecturers’ Union UCU will press colleges and universities to do more on climate change

The University and College Union (UCU) will press UK colleges and universities to do more to prevent damaging climate change.

At its recent annual Congress, UCU union delegates called for all branches of the union – the UK’s tenth biggest – to elect environment reps and to engage with employers to develop sustainable work practices, including carbon reduction strategies, in universities and colleges.

At a well attended environment fringe meeting, members heard Dr Jonathan Neale, National Secretary, Campaign against Climate Change, explained the case for stepping up trade union work on climate related issues. 

Also speaking at the fringe meeting  was Caroline Molloy of the TUC’s Green Workplaces project, who reported  on  carbon reduction progress in  a number of UK workplaces and explained how trades unionists can play a major environmental role in greening workplaces

The congress supported a call for colleges and universities to develop green transport plans and ensure that public transport options are available for staff and students.  Delegates agreed that climate change should not be used by employers as an excuse for worsening conditions of work, such as increasing car parking fees, particularly when acceptable alternative transport options are not provided.

UCU members voted to press their own union to allocate more resources to work on ‘greening’ the campus, the curriculum and UCU.

However, there is concern that some college and university employers are reluctant to work collectively with staff and student representatives to develop carbon reduction plans, despite the institutions’ apparently green credentials.

UCU adopted a sustainability policy a year ago at its first Congress. It has since established a network of college and university staff who want to work on greening their institution. The union supports TUC efforts to promote sustainable practices and is lobbying the government to give union environment reps the same status as health and safety reps, with time to train so they can make the maximum contribution to local green plans.

The union is building bridges with other campaigners and has established a good relationship with student environment and justice organisation People and Planet .   UCU is sending ten reps to the trade union climate change conference on June 16.

ends

notes

1) Dr Jonathan Neale is  senior lecturer in Creative Writing at  Bath Spa Univerity, and a UCU member. He is currently National Secretary, Campaign against Climate Change, and was international secretary 2004-2007. He spoke on climate change at the World Social Forum, around Britain and in many countries, as part of the organision of global demonstrations against climate change – which last year happened in 75 countries.

He is the author of many plays and novels for children and nonfiction for adults.

His Latest book, ‘Stop Global Warming – Change the World’ will be published in September.

2) see latest news of UCU’s green work in attached newsletter

3) UCU’s policies passed at the 2008 congress

96 – Environmental representatives  North West Regional Committee
Congress recognises that staff in Higher and Further Education have a special responsibility in dealing with climate change. They teach the young people who will be tomorrow’s leaders, and who will experience the effects of climate change. They research into the issue, and their research will be affected by it in many subject areas. However, they also work in large built environments which utilise great amounts of energy and produce high volumes of carbon dioxide into the atmosphere. Furthermore, the increasing mobility of academic staff and students is constantly adding to the carbon footprint of HE and FE institutions.

Congress therefore urges all Branches of UCU, as well as Regions, to elect Environmental Representatives. Their responsibility will be to seek to engage in carbon dioxide reduction negotiations with employers, and help to develop sustainable work practices in universities and colleges that also protect terms and conditions as far as possible.

CARRIED

97 – Climate Change  National Executive Committee

Congress welcomes the adoption by the UCU of the AoC ‘Green Colleges’ document and resolves to pursue further its current policy on climate change through ‘Green Transport Plans’, (See e.g. http://www.unison.org.uk/acrobat/B897.pdf) agreed with employers. In particular, Congress insists that it is the employers’ duty to ensure that timely and appropriate public transport is available to employees. ‘Climate Change’ must not be used as an excuse for worsening conditions of work, such as increasing car parking fees, particularly when acceptable alternatives are not provided. Congress further resolves to support the development of environmental reps as an integral part of UCU’s workplace activity.

CARRIED

98 – Environment  South Thames College

Further to policy adopted at UCU Congress 2007 on the environment and climate change, this Congress:

  • notes the increasing number of reports which highlight the importance of reducing carbon emissions to combat climate change
  • congratulates UCU for developing a network of support and information on environmental issues
  • urges UCU to prioritise resources as necessary to increase its work on ‘greening’ the campus, the curriculum and UCU.

In particular to:

  • press for the adoption of an environment policy in all parts of the HE and FE sectors. These to be subject to consultation and to include an environment audit and targets to reduce energy consumption
  • promote training courses for green reps
  • convene a one day conference to assess and promote workplace initiatives.

CARRIED